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Planter Str - History

Planter Str - History

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(Str: t. 300; 1. 147'; b. 30'; dph. 7'10"; dr. 3'9"; a. 1 long
32-pdr., 1 short 24-pdr. how.)

Planter, a side-wheel steamer built at Charleston, S.C. in 1860, served the confederacy as an armed dispatch boat and transport attached to the engineer department at Charleston under Brig. Gen. Ripley, CSA. On 13 May 1862 at 0400, while her captain, C. J. Relyea, was absent on shore, Robert Smalls, a Negro slave who was Planter's pilot, quietly took Planter from the wharf, and with a Confederate flag flying, steamed past the successive Confederate forts, saluting as usual by blowing her steam whistle. As soon as the steamer was out of range of the last Confederate gun, Smalls hauled down the Confederate flag and hoisted a white one. Then he turned Planter over to Onward of the Union blockading force. Besides Smalls, Planter carried seven other men, five women and three children to freedom. Moreover, besides the ship, her passengers, and cargo, Smalls also brought Du Pont valuable intelligence ineludinK word that the Confederates had abandoned defensive positions on the Stono.

The next day Planter was sent to Flag Officer S. F. Du Pont at Port Royal Harbor, S.C., who kept Robert Smalls as Planter'~ pitot. At the time she was taken over by the Federals, Planter had on board, as a valuable cargo, four guns besides her usual armament.

The Senate and House of Representatives of the United States passed a Private Law on 30 May 1862, granting Robert Smalls and Planter's Negro crew one half of the value of Planter and her cargo.

Du Pont promptly took Planter into the Union Navy and placed her under command of Acting Master Philemon Diekenson. On 30 May he ordered the side wheeler to North Edisto where Aeting Master Lloyd Phoenix relieved Dickenson. Planter served the South Atlantic Bloekading Squadron through the summer of 1862. On a joint expedition under Lt Rhind, Crusader and Planter ascended to Simmons Bluff, Wadmelaw River, S.C., Ianded with troops, and destroyed a Confederate encampment.

However, the steamer had been designed to use only wood as fuel, a searee commodity for blockaders off Charleston. Therefore, Du Pont transferred her to the Army for service near Ft. Pulaski.

After the war Planter redocumented 17 November 1866. She was lost from unknown causes 1 July 1876.

DIY: Learn How to Make a Knotted String Hanging Planter from Recycled Materials

Cut twine or string into 8 equal lengths of approximately 24-34 inches (depending on how large your container is). Knot the ends.

STEP 3: Start knotting

Lay out the string on a flat surface and divide the 8 strings into 4 pairs. Knot each pair approximately 3 inches from the base. Take the two ends (left and right) and knot them as well to complete the circle.

STEP 4: Keep knotting

Keep creating a row of knots by repeating this step 2-4 inches above your first row of knot (depending on how wide your container is – wider containers will require a larger space). Do this by knotting together two strings from alternating rows so that your second row of knots consists of the opposite pair of strings (see picture). Remember to take the two spare ends and knot them together after each row to complete the circle.

STEP 5: Test the size

Test the size of your knotted plant hanger by draping it over your container. Then you can either add additional knots or finish the plant holder.

STEP 6: Planting

Plant your succulent, vine, cactus, or other plant. Start by adding a layer of sand and/or pebbles to the bottom of the container. This will promote healthy drainage for your plant since these containers do not have an open bottom. Cover the pebbles with a layer of potting soil and gently add your plant.

STEP 7: Hang your planter

Gently pull your new knotted string plant hanger up over your recycled container. The final step is knotting all 8 strands together at the top for hanging. Add a hook to hang from a window, shelf, or the ceiling.

Variations: You can adapt this plant holder method as creatively as you like. Try a large plant container. Try a tiny plant container. Try a rock or other natural object.

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Spain controlled the entire island of Hispaniola from the 1490s until the 17th century, when French pirates began establishing bases on the western side of the island. The official name was La Española, meaning "The Spanish (Island)". It was also called Santo Domingo, after Saint Dominic. [4]

The western part of Hispaniola was neglected by the Spanish authorities, and French buccaneers began to settle first on the Tortuga Island, then on the northwest of the island. Spain later ceded the entire western coast of the island to France, retaining the rest of the island, including the Guava Valley, today known as the Central Plateau. [4]

The French called their portion of Hispaniola Saint-Domingue, the French equivalent of Santo Domingo. The Spanish colony on Hispaniola remained separate, and eventually became the Dominican Republic, the capital of which is still named Santo Domingo. [4]

When Christopher Columbus took possession of the island in 1492, he named it Insula Hispana, meaning "the Spanish island" in Latin [5] As Spain conquered new regions on the mainland of the Americas (Spanish Main), its interest in Hispaniola waned, and the colony's population grew slowly. By the early 17th century, the island and its smaller neighbors, notably Tortuga, had become regular stopping points for Caribbean pirates. In 1606, the king of Spain ordered all inhabitants of Hispaniola to move close to Santo Domingo, to avoid interaction with pirates. Rather than secure the island, however, this resulted in French, English and Dutch pirates establishing bases on the now-abandoned north and west coasts of the island.

French buccaneers established a settlement on the island of Tortuga in 1625 before going to Grande Terre (mainland). At first they survived by pirating ships, eating wild cattle and hogs, and selling hides to traders of all nations. Although the Spanish destroyed the buccaneers' settlements several times, on each occasion they returned due to an abundance of natural resources: hardwood trees, wild hogs and cattle, and fresh water. The settlement on Tortuga was officially established in 1659 under the commission of King Louis XIV.

In 1665, French colonization of the islands Hispaniola and Tortuga entailed slavery-based plantation agricultural activity such as growing coffee and cattle farming. It was officially recognized by King Louis XIV. Spain tacitly recognized the French presence in the western third of the island in the 1697 Treaty of Ryswick the Spanish deliberately omitted direct reference to the island from the treaty, but they were never able to reclaim this territory from the French. [6]

The economy of Saint-Domingue became focused on slave-based agricultural plantations. Saint-Domingue's Black population quickly increased. They followed the example of neighboring Caribbean colonies in coercive treatment of the enslaved population. More cattle and slave agricultural holdings, coffee plantations and spice plantations were implemented, as well as fishing, cultivation of cocoa, coconuts, and snuff. Saint-Domingue quickly came to overshadow the previous colony in both wealth and population. Nicknamed the "Pearl of the Antilles," Saint-Domingue became the richest and most prosperous French colony in the West Indies, cementing its status as an important port in the Americas for goods and products flowing to and from France and Europe. Thus, the income and the taxes from slave-based sugar production became a major source of the French budget.

Among the first buccaneers was Bertrand D'Ogeron (Rochefort-sur-Loire, 19 March 1613 Paris, 31 January 1676), who played a big part in the settlement of Saint-Domingue. He encouraged the planting of tobacco, which turned a population of buccaneers and freebooters, who had not acquiesced to royal authority until 1660, into a sedentary population. D'Orgeron also attracted many colonists from Martinique and Guadeloupe, including Jean Roy, Jean Hebert and his family, and Guillaume Barre and his family, who were driven out by the land pressure which was generated by the extension of the sugar plantations in those colonies. But in 1670, shortly after Cap-Français (later Cap-Haïtien) had been established, the crisis of tobacco intervened and a great number of places were abandoned. The rows of freebooting grew bigger plundering raids, like those of Vera Cruz in 1683 or of Campêche in 1686, became increasingly numerous, and Jean-Baptiste Colbert, Marquis de Seignelay, elder son of Jean Baptist Colbert and at the time Minister of the Navy, brought back some order by taking a great number of measures, including the creation of plantations of indigo and of cane sugar. The first sugar windmill was built in 1685.

On 22 July 1795, Spain ceded to France the remaining Spanish part of the island of Hispaniola, Santo Domingo (now the Dominican Republic), in the second Treaty of Basel, ending the War of the Pyrenees. The people of the eastern part of Saint-Domingue (French Santo Domingo) [10] were opposed to the arrangements and hostile toward the French. The islanders revolted against their new masters and a state of anarchy ensued, leading to more French troops being brought in.

An early death among Europeans was very common due to diseases and conflicts the French soldiers that Napoleon sent in 1802 to quell the revolt in Saint-Domingue were attacked by yellow fever during the Haitian Revolution, and more than half of the French army died of disease. [11]

Prior to the Seven Years' War (1756–1763), the economy of Saint-Domingue gradually expanded, with sugar and, later, coffee becoming important export crops. After the war, which disrupted maritime commerce, the colony underwent rapid expansion. In 1767, it exported 72 million pounds of raw sugar and 51 million pounds of refined sugar, one million pounds of indigo, and two million pounds of cotton. [12] Saint-Domingue became known as the "Pearl of the Antilles" – one of the richest colonies in the world in the 18th-century French empire. It was the greatest jewel in imperial France's mercantile crown. By the 1780s, Saint-Domingue produced about 40 percent of all the sugar and 60 percent of all the coffee consumed in Europe. This single colony, roughly the size of Hawaii or Belgium, produced more sugar and coffee than all of the British West Indies colonies combined, generating enormous revenue for the French government and enhancing its power.

The labor for these plantations was provided by an estimated 790,000 African slaves, accounting in 1783–1791 for a third of the entire Atlantic slave trade. Between 1764 and 1771, the average annual importation of slaves varied between 10,000 and 15,000 by 1786 it was about 28,000, and from 1787 onward, the colony received more than 40,000 slaves a year. However, the inability to maintain slave numbers without constant resupply from Africa meant the slave population in 1789 totalled to 500,000, ruled over by a white population that numbered only 32,000. [12] At all times, a majority of slaves in the colony were African-born, as the brutal conditions of slavery and tropical diseases such as yellow fever prevented the population from experiencing growth through natural increase [1]. African culture thus remained strong among slaves to the end of French rule. The folk religion of Vodou commingled Catholic liturgy and ritual with the beliefs and practices of the Vodun religion of Guinea, Congo and Dahomey. [13] Slave traders scoured the Atlantic coast of Africa, and the slaves who arrived came from hundreds of different tribes, their languages often mutually incomprehensible. While French colonists were hesitant to consider Vodou an authentic religion, perceiving of it instead as superstition, they also promulgated laws against Vodou practices, effectively forcing it underground. [3]

To regularize slavery, in 1685 Louis XIV had enacted the code noir, which accorded certain human rights to slaves and responsibilities to the master, who was obliged to feed, clothe and provide for the general well-being of his slaves. The code noir sanctioned corporal punishment but had provisions intended to regulate the administration of punishments. In any event, such protections were often ignored by white colonists. A passage from Henri Christophe's personal secretary, who lived more than half his life as a slave, describes the punishments the slaves of Saint-Domingue received for disobedience by the French colonists:

"Have they not hung up men with heads downward, drowned them in sacks, crucified them on planks, buried them alive, crushed them in mortars? Have they not forced them to consume faeces? And, having flayed them with the lash, have they not cast them alive to be devoured by worms, or onto anthills, or lashed them to stakes in the swamp to be devoured by mosquitoes? Have they not thrown them into boiling cauldrons of cane syrup? Have they not put men and women inside barrels studded with spikes and rolled them down mountainsides into the abyss? Have they not consigned these miserable blacks to man eating-dogs until the latter, sated by human flesh, left the mangled victims to be finished off with bayonet and poniard?" [14]

Thousands of slaves found freedom by fleeing into the mountains, forming communities of maroons and raiding isolated plantations. The most famous was Mackandal, a one-armed slave, originally from the Guinea region of Africa, who escaped in 1751. A Vodou Houngan (priest), he united many of the different maroon bands. For the next six years, he staged successful raids while evading capture by the French. He and his followers reputedly killed more than 6,000 people. He preached a radical vision of destroying white colonization in Saint-Domingue. In 1758, after a failed plot to poison the drinking water of the planters, he was captured and burned alive at the public square in Cap-Français.

Until the mid-18th century, there were efforts made by the French Crown to found a stable French-European population in the colony, a difficult task because there were few European women there. From the 17th century to the mid-18th century, the Crown attempted to remedy this by sending women from France to Saint-Domingue and Martinique to marry the settlers. [15] However, these women where rumoured to be former prostitutes from La Salpêtrière and the settlers complained about the system in 1713, stating that the women sent were not suitable, a complaint that was repeated in 1743. [15] The system was consequently abandoned, and with it the plans for colonisation. In the later half of the 18th century, it was common and accepted that a Frenchman during his stay of a few years would enjoy the sexual services of a black local, and would live with her. [15]

Saint-Domingue had the largest and wealthiest free population of color in the Caribbean they were known as the gens de couleur. The royal census of 1789 counted roughly 25,000 such persons. While many free population of color were former slaves, most members of this class were mulattoes, of mixed French/European and African ancestry. Typically, they were the descendants of the enslaved women and French colonists. As in New Orleans, a system of plaçage developed, in which white men had a kind of common-law marriage with slave or free mistresses, and provided for them with a dowry, sometimes freedom, and often education or apprenticeships for their mixed-race children. Some such descendants of planters inherited considerable property. As their numbers grew, they were made subject to discriminatory colonial legislation. Statutes forbade gens de couleur from taking up certain professions, marrying whites, wearing European clothing, carrying swords or firearms in public, or attending social functions where whites were present. [16]

The regulations did not restrict their purchase of land, and many accumulated substantial holdings and became slaveowners. By 1789, they owned one-third of the plantation property and one-quarter of the slaves of Saint-Domingue. [16] Central to the rise of the gens de couleur planter class was the growing importance of coffee, which thrived on the marginal hillside plots to which they were often relegated. The largest concentration of gens de couleur was in the southern peninsula. This was the last region of the colony to be settled, owing to its distance from Atlantic shipping lanes and its formidable terrain, with the highest mountain range in the Caribbean. In the parish of Jérémie, the free population of color formed the majority of the population. Many lived in Port-au-Prince as well, which became an economic center in the South of the island.

In 1758 white homeowners on Hispaniola began to restrict rights and create laws to exclude mulattoes and Blacks, establishing a rigid class system. There were ten Black people for every white one.

In France, the majority of the Estates General, an advisory body to the King, constituted itself as the National Assembly, made radical changes in French laws, and on 26 August 1789, published the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen, declaring all men free and equal. The French Revolution shaped the course of the conflict in Saint-Domingue and was at first widely welcomed on the island. At first, wealthy whites saw it as an opportunity to gain independence from France. The elite planters intended to take control of the island and create trade regulations to further their own wealth and power. [17]

Between 1791 and 1804, the leaders François Dominique Toussaint Louverture and Jean-Jacques Dessalines led the revolution against the slave system established on the island. Slavery in Saint-Domingue, along with other Caribbean colonies from the French colonial empire, was at that time the third largest source of income to France. Louverture and Dessalines were inspired by the houngans (sorcerers or priests of Haitian Vodou) Dutty Boukman and François Mackandal.

Léger-Félicité Sonthonax from September 1792 to 1795 was the de facto ruler of Saint-Domingue. He was a French Girondist and abolitionist during the French Revolution who controlled 7,000 French troops in Saint-Domingue during part of the Haitian Revolution. [18] His official title was Civil Commissioner. Within a year of his appointment, his powers were considerably expanded by the Committee of Public Safety. Sonthonax believed that Saint-Domingue's whites, most of whom were of Spanish descent, were royalist or separatist conservatives attached to independence or Spain as a way to preserve the slave plantations. He attacked the military power of the white settlers, and by doing so, he alienated the colonists from the French government. Many gens de couleur, mixed-race residents of the colony, asserted that they could form the military backbone of Saint-Domingue if they were given rights, but Sonthonax rejected this view as outdated in the wake of the August 1791 slave uprising. He believed that Saint-Domingue would need ex-slave soldiers among the ranks of the colonial army if it was to survive. Although he did not originally intend to free the enslaved, by October 1793 he ended slavery in order to maintain his own power. [19]

In 1799, the Black military leader Toussaint L'Ouverture brought under French rule a law which abolished slavery and embarked on a program of modernization. He had become master of the whole island. [20]

In November 1799, during the continuing war in Saint-Domingue, Napoleon Bonaparte gained power in France. He passed a new constitution declaring that the colonies would be subject to special laws. [21] Although the colonies suspected this meant the re-introduction of slavery, Napoleon began by confirming Toussaint's position and promising to maintain the abolition. [22] He forbade Toussaint to control the formerly Spanish settlement on the east side of Hispaniola, as that would have given the leader a more powerful defensive position. [23] In January 1801, Toussaint and Hyacinthe Moïse invaded the Spanish settlements, taking possession from the Governor, Don Garcia, with few difficulties.

Toussaint promulgated the Constitution of 1801 on 7 July, officially establishing his authority as governor general "for life" over the entire island of Hispaniola and confirming most of his existing policies. Article 3 of the constitution states: "There cannot exist slaves [in Saint-Domingue], servitude is therein forever abolished. All men are born, live and die free and French." [24]

During this time, Bonaparte met with refugee planters they urged the restoration of slavery in Saint-Domingue, saying it was integral to the colony's profits. He sent an expedition of more than 20,000 men to Saint-Domingue in 1802 to restore French authority. [25]

The French Civil Code of Napoleon affirmed the political and legal equality of all adult men it established a merit-based society in which individuals advanced in education and employment because of talent rather than birth or social standing. The Civil Code confirmed many of the moderate revolutionary policies of the National Assembly but retracted measures passed by the more radical Convention. The situation of the enslaved and people of mixed race was not improved.

The Haitian Revolution culminated in the elimination of slavery in Saint-Domingue and the founding of the Haitian republic in the whole of Hispaniola. France was weakened by a British naval blockade, and by the unwillingness of Napoleon to send massive reinforcements. Having sold the Louisiana Territory to the United States in April 1803, Napoleon began to lose interest in his failing ventures in the Western Hemisphere.

A minority of state officials and civil servants were exempt from manual labor, including some freed colored Haitians. Many slaves had to work hard to survive, and they became increasingly motivated by their hunger. Consisting mostly of slaves, the population was uneducated and largely unskilled. They had lived under authoritarian control as rural laborers. White residents felt the sting most sharply. While Toussaint, a former privileged slave of a tolerant white master, had felt a certain magnanimity toward whites, Dessalines, a former field slave, despised them. A firm hand was used in resistance to slavery.

Napoleon's troops, under the command of his brother-in-law, General Charles Emmanuel Leclerc, planned to seize control of the island by diplomatic means. They proclaimed peaceful intentions, and kept secret his orders to deport all Black officers. [26] Meanwhile, Toussaint was preparing for defense and insuring discipline. This may have contributed to a rebellion against forced labor led by his nephew and top general, Moïse, in October 1801. It was violently repressed, with the result that when the French ships arrived, not all of Saint-Domingue was automatically on Toussaint's side. [27]

For a few months, the island was quiet under Napoleonic rule. But when it became apparent that the French intended to re-establish slavery, because they had done so on Guadeloupe, Dessalines and Pétion switched sides again, in October 1802, and fought against the French.

In late January 1802, while Leclerc sought permission to land at Cap-Français and Christophe held him off, the Vicomte de Rochambeau suddenly attacked Fort-Liberté, effectively quashing the diplomatic option. [28] In November Leclerc died of yellow fever, like much of his army. [29]

His successor, the Vicomte de Rochambeau, fought a brutal campaign. His atrocities helped rally many former French loyalists to the rebel cause. Like other Black slaves captured by the French army, Mackandal was burned alive at the stake. The people of Saint-Domingue, mostly Black, were hostile toward abuse by the French. The slave population had severe food shortages and brutal forced rural labor. The islanders revolted against their new masters and a state of anarchy ensued, bringing more French troops. The people began a series of attacks on the owners of sugar and coffee plantations. French soldiers from Napoleon were sent in 1802 to quell the revolt in Saint-Domingue. They suffered from seasonal epidemics of Yellow fever and more than half of the French army died of disease. [30] The British naval blockade to France persisted.

Dessalines led the rebellion until its completion, when the French forces were finally defeated in 1803. [29] Whites were slaughtered and massacred wholesale under the rule of Dessalines. The brutality toward whites shocked foreign governments.

The last battle of the Haitian Revolution, the Battle of Vertières, occurred on 18 November 1803, near Cap-Haïtien. When the French withdrew, they had only 7,000 troops left to ship to France.

Haiti did not try to support or aid other slave rebellions because they feared that the great powers would take renewed action against them, as happened a few years later with Spain. [ original research? ] After the defeat of the French army, wealthy white owners saw the opportunity to preserve their political power and plantations. They attacked the town halls that had representatives of the defeated French authority. Elite planters took control of the former Spanish side of the island, asking Spain for a Spanish government and protection by the Spanish army. Later these planters created trade regulations that would further preserve their own wealth and power. [ citation needed ]

In the 19th and early 20th centuries, American and British authors often referred to Saint-Domingue period as "Santo Domingo" or "San Domingo." [8] :2 This led to confusion with the earlier Spanish colony, and later the contemporary Spanish colony established at Santo Domingo during the colonial period in particular, in political debates on slavery previous to the American Civil War, "San Domingo" was used to express fears of Southern whites of a slave rebellion breaking out in their own region. Today, the former Spanish possession contemporary with the early period of the French colony corresponds mostly with the Dominican Republic, whose capital is Santo Domingo. The name of Saint-Domingue was changed to Hayti (Haïti) when Jean-Jacques Dessalines declared the independence of all Hispaniola from the French in 1804. [31] Like the name Haiti itself, Saint-Domingue may refer to all of Hispaniola, or the western part in the French colonial period, while the Spanish version Hispaniola or Santo Domingo is often used to refer to the Spanish colonial period or the Dominican nation.

Kraft Heinz sells nuts business, including Planters, to Hormel for $3.35 billion

Kraft Heinz announced Thursday it has sold its Planters and its other nuts businesses to Spam maker Hormel for $3.35 billion.

The cash deal includes most Planters products and the Corn Nuts brand. Hormel will also receive the global intellectual property rights to the two brands, subject to existing third-party licenses in other countries. The nuts business contributed about $1.1. billion in sales last year to Kraft Heinz, mostly focused in the U.S.

Shares of Kraft Heinz rose more than 1% in premarket trading after the company beat Wall Street's estimates for its fourth-quarter earnings and revenue. Hormel's stock was flat.

As part of Kraft Heinz's multiyear turnaround effort, executives told investors in September that they have changed from looking at its portfolio as a series of products to how it can fulfill different consumer needs. The company has also been trimming less-popular products from its lineup and sold part of its cheese business to Lactalis for $3.2 billion.

In a statement, Kraft Heinz CEO Miguel Patricio said the nuts sale enables the company to focus on other snack brands, like Lunchables and P3.

Hormel CEO Jim Snee said that the acquisition broadens its scope for future deals in the snacking category. "The acquisition of the Planters business adds another $1 billion brand to our portfolio and significantly expands our presence in the growing snacking space," he said in a statement.

Planters is best known for its nuts and snack mixes and its mascot, Mr. Peanut. In recent years, the brand's biggest splash came from an advertising campaign last year that killed off Mr. Peanut and resurrected him as a baby in its Super Bowl spot.

Hormel's other brands include Skippy and Wholly Guacamole.

Perella Weinberg Partners served as the exclusive financial advisor to Kraft Heinz for the deal, and Citi and Credit Suisse acted as financial advisors for Hormel.

A bloodless coup

In 1891 Kalākaua died, and his sister, Liliʻuokalani, took the throne. In 1893, she attempted to replace the Bayonet Constitution with one that would strip resident aliens’ voting privileges and strengthen the monarch’s power.

In response, Thurston and an armed group that included foreigners and Hawaiian subjects gathered within view of Liliʻuokalani’s palace and demanded she step down. U.S. diplomat John Stevens sent U.S. Marines to Oahu to protect American interests. Liliʻuokalani ordered her royal guard to surrender, and the coup leaders declared the monarchy abolished, established martial law, and hoisted the American flag over the palace.

It was a bloodless coup, and at first it looked like the provisional government, led by Dole, would secure a speedy American annexation of Hawaii. President Benjamin Harrison even signed an annexation treaty in February 1893.

But when Grover Cleveland became president less than a month later, he withdrew the treaty and sent special commissioner James H. Blount to the islands to investigate the coup. “The undoubted sentiment of the people is for the Queen, against the Provisional Government and against annexation,” Blount wrote in his report.

Calling the coup a “serious embarrassment,” Cleveland recalled Stevens to the U.S. and instructed his new minister to reinstate the queen. Convinced she would be backed by the U.S., Liliʻuokalani initially insisted that the coup participants be punished under the kingdom’s laws. But Dole contended his provisional government was legitimate and that only force would remove it. He refused to step down, and the U.S. took no further action against the insurgents. Though Liliʻuokalani maintained her right to the throne, she did not stand in Dole’s way.

In December 1893, the U.S. Congress began its own investigation into the coup. The Morgan Report, their answer to Blount’s report, was unabashedly pro-annexation and, in the words of historian Ralph S. Kuykendall, “managed to exonerate from blame everyone save the queen.” Congress did not follow the report with action, and Dole’s provisional government hastened to consolidate its power. In July 1894, the Republic of Hawaii was founded, with Dole as its president.

Six months later, a group of royalist rebels led by Hawaiian Robert W. Wilcox made an unsuccessful attempt to restore the monarchy in January 1895. He and co-conspirators had hoped to muster at least a thousand Native Hawaiians and other residents, but managed to recruit only a hundred or so. The counter-revolution was disorganized and ill-fated, and the men staged three brief battles before surrendering to police. One hundred and ninety-one suspected conspirators were arrested after the counter-revolution stood down, and Liliʻuokalani was arrested and tried for conspiring with them after weapons were found in her home. She officially abdicated in exchange for the freedom of six of her supporters who had been sentenced to death. Though she was sentenced to five years’ hard labor and fined, she remained under house arrest instead. In 1896 Dole pardoned her.


Sankt Peder Stræde takes its name after St. Peter's Church, which is first mentioned in 1304. [1] In 1497 the Carmelite priory in Helsingør purchased a property in the street to use it as a "college" where the brothers could live and lecture. It had connections with the University of Copenhagen which was then located on the corner of Studiestræde and Nørregade. The Carmelite college was shut down after the Reformation.

The street was almost completely destroyed in the Copenhagen Fire of 1795. The houses in the street were subsequently rebuilt. The residents were mainly minor merchants and craftsmen. Copenhagen's Western Rampart was located at the far end of the street until the second half of the 19th century. A pedestrian bridge, Teglgårdsbroen, was constructed across the City Moat in 1855. It disappeared in 1874. [2]

Povl Badstuber's House (No. 3) is one of few houses that survived the fire in 1795. It was built by the copper smith Povl Badstuber in 1732. [3]

Valkendorfs Kollegium is the oldest dormitory associated with the University of Copenhagen. It takes its name after Christopher Valkendorf who founded it on 26 February 1589 following his acquisition of the former Carmelite priory. The current building is from 1866 and was designed by Christian Hansen. [4]

Other listed buildings in the street include No. 18, 27, 28, 29, 32 and 44.

No. 5, 13 and 15 are part of the Studiegården complex, which is used by University of Copenhagen. No. 13 is from 1753. [5]

The building at No. 4, which overlooks St. Peter's garden, is a former girls' school. The building is from 1858 and was designed by Jens Juel Eckersberg, son of the painter Christoffer Wilhelm Eckersberg. [6]

The boutique hotel SP34 is located at No. 34. [7] Two-storey Fantask (No. 18) is Copenhagen's largest shop specializing in cartoons. Restaurant Bror was opened at No. 24A by two former Noma-chefs in 2013. [8]

Is the Moon a Planet?

To tell whether the moon is planet one will need first to know what makes a planet. The International Astronomical Union created a set of three requirements that an object in the solar system has to have for it to be considered a planet. First, it must be in orbit around a sun, secondly it must have sufficient mass to assume a near round shape called the hydrostatic equilibrium, and lastly, it has to have cleared any obstacles from its path in orbit. These three requirements disqualify the moon from being referred to as a planet as it does not orbit any sun.

Why Planters killed off Mr. Peanut

This week, snack brand Planters released a dramatic video showing the apparent death of its animated mascot, Mr. Peanut.

It turns out killing off the iconic 104-year-old nut had to do with the phenomenon of how people mourn the deaths of fictional characters, such as Iron Man, according to a creative leader behind the campaign.

Kraft Heinz's Planters on Tuesday released a cryptic tweet with a link to a video showing Mr. Peanut sacrificing himself to save actors Wesley Snipes and Matt Walsh by plunging to his death. On Wednesday, the brand shared the video, which as of Thursday morning had nearly 1.5 million views on YouTube.

The spot, done with VaynerMedia, will appear before Super Bowl kickoff during the pregame show. Then, during the third quarter of the game, the brand promises to "broadcast Mr. Peanut's funeral, so the world can mourn the loss of the beloved legume together."

VaynerMedia also handled Planters' Super Bowl spot last year. Mike Pierantozzi, group creative director at Planters' agency VaynerMedia, said that put the agency in the position of needing to come up with something that would top last year. He said the agency was looking to see how Planters could really line up with culture in a way that would explode.

"We started talking about how the internet treats when someone dies — specifically, we were thinking about fictional characters, [like when] Iron Man died," Pierantozzi said, referring to the death of the Marvel character in last year's "Avengers: Endgame."

"When Iron Man died, we saw an incredible reaction on Twitter and on social media. It's such a strange phenomenon," Pierantozzi said.

Pierantozzi said with Mr. Peanut the shop wondered, "What would happen and how would the world react if he passed away?" He said the idea surfaced last summer.

"We did the unthinkable: we created a program and an idea where Mr. Peanut dies, and dies specifically sacrificing himself for his friends, which has always been a tenet of who he is and what he does — he always puts others first," Pierantozzi said.

Super Bowl teasers are meant to generate some buzz for a brand's in-game spot, often starting a story or introducing a theme or characters to get consumers excited before the full commercial airs. But this one seemed to be especially successful. By comparison, Hyundai's teaser on YouTube had about 73,000 views and Olay's had nearly 17,000 Thursday afternoon. Doritos, which released its teaser last week with a spoken-word rendition of "Old Town Road," has racked up nearly 4 million views on YouTube, while a teaser for Cheetos' spot with MC Hammer from last week has nearly 3 million.

"It's with heavy hearts that we confirm Mr. Peanut has passed away at 104 years old," Samantha Hess, Planters brand manager at Kraft Heinz, said in a statement. "He will be remembered as the legume who always brought people together for nutty adventures and a good time. We encourage fans to tune in to Mr. Peanut's funeral during the third quarter of the Super Bowl to celebrate his life."

Of course, some brands have gone the death route for the Super Bowl and failed, the Wall Street Journal's CMO Today pointed out Thursday morning. Nationwide's 2015 ad that showed a boy who had died and could never grow up weirded out viewers. (The company's CMO left shortly after.) And a spot now known as the "robot suicide ad" from General Motors was later changed after sparking criticism, including from the American Foundation for Suicide Prevention.

Pierantozzi said with such a serious subject, creatives have to toe a certain line and approach it with empathy. He said it needs to hit the right note between humor and solemnity.

"You have to strike the perfect tone on this, or you really could end up with a problem," he said. "So we definitely considered that. We're very happy with the response we're getting. We feel like we nailed the tone."

He said there's been positive feedback and an "outpouring of emotion" from onlookers.

Mr. Peanut's social channels have been renamed with "The Estate of Mr. Peanut" with a graphic of a crying monocle, and his Twitter account asked users to "pay respects" with the hashtag, #RIPeanut. Other brands, including Skippy peanut butter, Budweiser, Syfy, Shake Shack and more, did just that. Pierantozzi said other Kraft Heinz brands did know about the effort, but to his knowledge some of the other brands weighing in did so organically.

In terms of the parsing out of information and the phony "leak" of the Super Bowl ad that transpired on Tuesday, Pierantozzi said, "We're trying to keep this as close to reality as possible. I think we looked at Twitter and how things sometimes find their way onto Twitter, and we kind of tapped into those things." The brand then sent out a press release confirming the death.

"I think it was written beautifully and struck the right tone," Pierantozzi said.

Part of the buzz, Pierantozzi said, stems from the fact that Planters has built up Mr. Peanut so much, along with his "Nutmobile."

"I think they made it really easy for people to get involved with the idea," he said. "It was in the language of something people already understood in the world of Twitter and in the world of Facebook. It was very simple for people to get involved."

The specifics of what will happen in Planters' actual Super Bowl spot aren't clear, and conspiracy theories on Twitter are abounding. But Pierantozzi says this much is true: "There will be a funeral, and an opportunity for hundreds of millions of people who love Mr. Peanut to pay their respects," he said.

British rule

When the slave trade was abolished in 1807, there were about 100,000 slaves in Berbice, Demerara, and Essequibo. After full emancipation in 1838, black freedmen left the plantations to establish their own settlements along the coastal plain. The planters then imported labour from several sources, the most productive of whom were the indentured workers from India. Indentured labourers who earned their freedom settled in coastal villages near the estates, a process that became established in the late 19th century during a serious economic depression caused by competition with European sugar beet production. The importation of indentured labourers from India exemplifies the connection between Guiana’s history and the British imperial history of the other Anglophone countries in the Caribbean region.

Settlement proceeded slowly, but gold was discovered in 1879, and a boom in the 1890s helped the colony. The North West District, an 8,000-square-mile (21,000-square-km) area bordering on Venezuela that was organized in 1889, was the cause of a dispute in 1895, when the United States supported Venezuela’s claims to that mineral- and timber-rich territory. Venezuela revived its claims on British Guiana in 1962, an issue that went to the United Nations for mediation in the early 1980s but still had not been resolved in the early 21st century.

The British inherited from the Dutch a complicated constitutional structure. Changes in 1891 led to progressively greater power’s being held by locally elected officials, but reforms in 1928 invested all power in the governor and the Colonial Office. In 1953 a new constitution—with universal adult suffrage, a bicameral elected legislature, and a ministerial system—was introduced.

From 1953 to 1966 the political history of the colony was stormy. The first elected government, formed by the People’s Progressive Party (PPP) and led by Cheddi Jagan, seemed so pro-communist that the British suspended the constitution in October 1953 and dispatched troops. The constitution was not restored until 1957. The PPP split along ethnic lines, Jagan leading a predominately Indo-Guyanese party and Forbes Burnham leading a party of African descendants, the People’s National Congress (PNC). The elections of 1957 and 1961 returned the PPP with working majorities. From 1961 to 1964 severe rioting, involving bloodshed between rival Afro-Guyanese and Indo-Guyanese groups, and a long general strike led to the return of British troops.